Chapter twenty-Four Redrawing Holocaust Geographies: A Cartography of Vichy and Nazi Reach into North Africa AOMAR BOUM On December 15, 2017, a Holocaust traveling exhibition about the relationship between Nazi ideology and the Holocaust, “State of Deception: The Power of Nazi Propaganda,” was in its final planning stages at the National Library in Tunis after months of preparation. While the event was primarily a local Tunisian initiative spearheaded by historian Habib Kazdaghli, a professor of history at Manouba University, the exhibition benefitted from the logistical and financial support of UNESCO, the United Nations, the German Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC. The organizers never expected that this major event would take place just hours after the US President Donald Trump recognized al-Quds/Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which in itself triggered a local protest against the exhibition and its organizers concomitant with demonstrations in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Despite the temporary disruption of the opening event by pro-Palestinian Tunisian protestors who tore down posters and chanted anti-Israel slogans, the exhibition’s organizers defied the demonstrators. In the following days students from different parts of Tunisia visited the National Library with their teachers to learn about Nazi propaganda. For Kazdaghli, an active member of the Société d’Histoire des Juifs de Tunisie et l’Afrique du nord, this event, irrespective of its controversial global political context, is a teaching moment for Tunisian youth to learn about the six-month German occupation of Tunisia and the history of Jewish labor in Vichy camps as well as the fate of many Tunisian Jews who died in European concentration camps.1 For pro-Palestinian political and civil society activists, such as Kawtar Chebbi, Kazdaghli was a sponsor of “lies and myths” about the Holocaust and noted that Kazdaghli was engaged in a brainwashing mission of Tunisia’s youth and promoting what he termed the “Zionist entity and the Israeli State.” Despite this rejection of Holocaust-related events in North Africa, a number of conferences have been organized by Arab youth about World War II and North African Jews. In 2011, in collaboration with Kivunim association, the Rabatbased Mimouna Club held a meeting about Mohammed V and his role in saving A Companion to the Holocaust, First Edition. Edited by Simone Gigliotti and Hilary Earl. © 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2020 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 432 aomar boum Moroccan Jews. In 2013, the Tunisian Association Supporting Minorities and the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding sponsored a conference on forced labor and camps during Nazi occupation of Tunisia. Both events are part of a local enterprise to commemorate North African figures such as Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Youssef,2 Khaled Abdelwahab, and Kaddour Benghabrit3 as Righteous among the Nations for their presumed role in protecting Jews during the Holocaust period despite the doubts of Yad Vashem. This debate raises the question of the social, political, and economic conditions of North African Jews during World War II given the Vichy, Nazi, and Fascist rule over Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, and Libya.4 Kazdaghli is one of the leading historians of Tunisia to champion a trend within North African historiography that acknowledges the importance of documenting the impact of World War II in North Africa between 1940 and 1943. Despite a few other indigenous scholars of North African Jews such as Mohammed Kenbib and Jamaa Baida who have published a few articles on the period,5 this timid and unique movement within the nationalist North African history continues to struggle to gain support among high school and university in education in North Africa even though countries like Tunisia and Morocco have made significant progress. Calling the Holocaust one of the “most tragic chapters in history,” King Mohammed VI supported the Paris-based Foundation for the Memory of the Shoah Aladdin Project initiative to spread knowledge about the Holocaust to Muslims.6 Across public universities, however, there is still an academic culture that considers the study of the history of the Jewish communities a secondary historical issue and the Holocaust an irrelevant topic to the region. This chapter maps the historical literature and historiographical narrative on North African Jewries during World War II. I highlight key characteristics of Jewish–Muslim relations during the 1930s and Vichy rule in North Africa; I discuss the introduction, application and impact of the anti-Jewish laws as well as the establishment of labor camps; and I outline some concluding remarks about the state and future of research about Vichy France in North African colonies. I start this review on the state of research about North Africa during World War II by first pointing out the different discussions, academic and popular, about the connections between the Holocaust and North Africa. I argue that it is important to underscore the fact that the Holocaust as a historical event was designed, planned, and executed in a European context masterminded by a European country. At the same time, we should also be aware of the fact that the reverberations of the Holocaust as an event had consequences in different parts of the world including the southern margins of the Mediterranean as well as West and sub-Saharan Africa.7 In light of this important observation, I opt to discuss the scholarship on the situation of North African Jews through the prism of the “Holocaust and North Africa”8 instead of the “Holocaust in North Africa” as some would propose. I intend to discuss the situation of Jews prior to the German occupation of France with a focus on their legal, social, and economic status before and during the war and the implications of the war on Jewish–Muslim relations as well as Jewish presence in North Africa. My objective is to present a general cartography of research about North African Jews during World War II on what I refer to as the margins of the Holocaust. Therefore, I accept the possibility that the seismic waves of the Holocaust as a European genocide were also felt in many scales and degrees by thousands of Jews, Muslims, and Spanish Republicans miles away from the Nazi death camps redrawing holoCaust geographies 433 in Nazi-occupied and annexed regions in Poland. By charting these themes and topics of historical discussion, I offer a preliminary sketch of a new cartography of a barely labored terrain in Holocaust studies. Un-silencing History and the Challenge of Modern Politics In Among the Righteous, Robert Satloff argues for a new approach that breaks “the conspiracy of silence” in the Arab world toward the issue of the Holocaust.9 He launched a campaign to combat what he saw as “Arab ignorance of the Holocaust” after surveying what he called tolerance-related institutions and finding that “not a single module, text, or program for Holocaust education existed in an Arab country, even within the context of studying twentieth-century history, modern genocides, or tolerance education.”10 His approach consisted in finding “lost stories” of the Holocaust in North Africa. By finding and narrating stories of Arab righteous, Satloff claimed that he would be able not only to change local attitudes toward the Holocaust as a taboo that Arabs usually refuse to discuss because of its “special relevance to Jews and its role in the creation of Israel,”11 but also “make Arabs see the Holocaust as a source of pride, worthy of remembering, not just something to avoid and deny.”12 Deborah Lipstadt expressed skepticism toward this approach and argued that Satloff is “being a bit naïve” because historical awareness cannot entirely eliminate prejudice and irrational hatred.13 Satloff disagreed with Lipstadt’s skepticism,14 arguing that “recapturing these lost stories from the Holocaust’s long reach into Arab lands offers people of goodwill among each community – Arab and Jewish – a way to look through the lens of one of the most powerful narratives in history and see each other differently.”15 Accordingly, Satloff notes, the key to winning the battle of antisemitism and Holocaust denial begins with enlisting and partnering with “people of good will” in the Arab world as the first rack in the wall of Holocaust research and education. Satloff’s proposal has prompted public audiences as well as historians of North Africa to revisit the period of World War II and study the impact of French, Italian, and German policies on North Africa as a whole and its Jewish communities in particular. I was part of a conference on North Africa during World War II at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum convened by Haim Saadoun where the work of Satloff and Jeffery Herf featured in our discussions attended by Jamâa Baïda and Habib Kezdaghli among other Tunisian and North African scholars. The meeting was later followed by other conferences in Israel and the United States on the topic. In 2015, I organized another conference sponsored by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) Alan D. Leve Center for Jewish Studies, and the UCLA Center for Near Eastern Studies. The majority of the participants in the conferences presented new research based on primary research mostly at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. In 2007, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum invested much energy to identify and acquire archives on the Jews of North Africa from European, Israeli, and North African institutions. At the same time, it provided short and long research fellowships for established, graduate, and postdoctorate scholars. The availability of the material on Vichy France in one location in the United States has made researching the period an easier task. While the Holocaust dominated the historical narrative of European Jewry in the postwar period with the establishment of Holocaust museums and institutions of 434 aomar boum remembrance in the west, North African Jews tended to be indifferent about it. Michel Abitbol, for example, who happens to be one of the earliest historians to look at Vichy policies toward North African Jewries writes these communities did not dare to connect the trauma of the Holocaust to their region and “obstinately chose to blot out of their memories this brief span of their history.”16 In his book on the fate of Jews of North Africa during World War II, Abitbol writes: Few – and for good reasons – were those who dared to propound any kind of factual or analytical link between the fates of North African Jews in 1940–43 and that of their European brethren. The anti-Jewish policies in the Maghreb had included neither mass destruction nor plans of extermination. Consequently, any analogical connection with the odious carnage perpetuated in Europe could, on the surface, only appear false and even ridiculous.17 New conditions have emerged in the last decades leading many researchers to revisit the histories and lives of Jews in North Africa during World War II. Let us examine some of the factors that have sparked this new interest. To begin with, North African researchers have shown an interest in the situation of ethnic minorities in general and Jews in particular as part of the holistic history of the region. This local interest has started to converge with established and continuing American, European, and Israeli academic research. Second, new archival documents have become available for researchers. Third, this scientific undertaking has been complemented by the increasing public interest of North African Jews in Israel to safeguard their memories and revisit tragic moments of their history. Equally important, the expansion of Holocaust studies and research of the Arab world and the Middle East during World War II could be also part of this academic drive to “contribute to the history of the ‘fringes’ of the Holocaust universe, fringes that understandably have been neglected by World War II scholarship.”18 While Satloff focused on the Tunisian Muslim Khaled Abdelwahab and his role in the rescue of Jews during the German occupation of Tunisia, Meir Litvak and Esther Webman tracked the development of Arab perceptions of the Holocaust for decades since the establishment of the state of Israel by relying on Arab sources such as the writings of leading authors in Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinian authority. The voluminous work traces the chronological evolution of these thoughts for a period of sixty years.19 Jeffrey Herf wrote about German propaganda in Egypt and other parts of the Middle East focusing on “the collaboration of Arab intellectuals and leaders” while linking Nazi and Fascist antisemitic ideas to extremist interpretations and scholars with Islam such as Sayyid Qutb in relation to Jews.20 Gilbert Achcar,21 Israel Gershoni,22 Peter Wien,23 and recently Francis R. Nicosia and Boğaç A. Ergene,24 highlighted different and complex sides of Arab responses to Nazism, Fascism, and the Holocaust. Other scholars have written about the Nazi propaganda and Fascism in Egypt,25 Turkey,26 Iraq,27 Syria, and Lebanon.28 These works have mostly focused on the Middle East and avoided any major discussions of North Africa despite the fact that French scholars have written about Vichy in North Africa since the second half of the last century.29 In 2014, Susan Gilsan Miller coedited a volume on Morocco during World War II.30 In 2016, however, the Revue de l’histoire de la Shoah published a comprehensive volume edited by Georges Bensousan31 that included experts who worked on North Africa and the Middle East featuring Haïm Saadoun,32 Norman A. Stillman,33 Dan Eldar,34 Jeffrey Herf,35 Hagar Hillel and Ruth Kimhi,36 Abraham Robert Attal,37 Prosper Hassine,38 Rachel Simon,39 Itshaq Avrahami,40 redrawing holoCaust geographies 435 Irit Abramski-Bligh,41 Yves C. Aouate,42 Jacob Oliel,43 Emmanuel Debono,44 Yitzhak Gershon,45 Guy Bracha,46 Ariel Danan and Myriam Allouche,47 Pierre-André Taguieff,48 Esther Méir-Glitzenstein,49 Menashé Anzi,50 and Orli Rahimian.51 Their contributions covered the large part of the Middle East and North Africa. In 2018, I coedited a new volume titled North Africa and the Holocaust with Sarah A. Stein.52 Based on contributions of scholars who did most of their research at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the volume engages with questions raised by Michel Abitbol in the 1980s. At the same time, the volume includes a number of essays by major scholars and historians of the Holocaust in Europe such as Omer Bartov, Susan Rubin Suleiman, Michael Rothberg, and Todd Presner. This innovative volume brought together experts from different regions as a way to engage with different social, political, religious, and economic contexts between Europe and North Africa during the period of the war. This wave of publications has largely emerged as part of an intellectual movement that began in 2009 and has consciously and/or unconsciously been affected and influenced by debates around Holocaust denial triggered mostly by Iran’s former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.53 Although the scholarship is based mostly on archival material, the political context of the Arab–Israeli conflict and the antagonistic relations between Iran and Israel, for example, linger at the backstage of the arguments and debates of the scholars about concepts such as Islamic antisemitism and Islamofascism that started to gain ground in academic publications.54 This chapter therefore avoids discussions of recent Middle Eastern politics about Holocaust denial that obscure the historical analysis of the situation of North African Jews during World War II. It focuses instead on their social, economic, and political realities under Nazism and Fascism. Before delving into the situation of Jews in North Africa, we should underscore that, although Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria were under French colonial rule, they had different legal statuses. In 1848, Algeria was integrated into French metropolitan politics as the departments of Oran, Algiers, and Constantine.55 Morocco and Tunisia were protectorates where residents-general administered local affairs through indigenous monarchs. Unlike Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria, Libya was an Italian colony under the government of an Axis power. While Germany had limited direct political involvement in Morocco and Algeria, the Wehrmacht occupied Tunisia with the support of Italian army units. At the same time, while Jews of Algeria benefited from French citizenship since 1870, the rest of North African Jewish population maintained its local indigenous status. These historical differences make any analysis of North Africa during this period a complex endeavor that requires taking into consideration colonial models, local cultures, and Jewish status. Jews, Muslims and the Threat of Antisemites in North Africa during the 1930s During the early 1930s, about 400,000 Jews lived in French North Africa. Despite their status as second-class citizens, the native Jewish population lived in rural and urban settlements. In addition to the indigenous Jewish population, small communities of Italian, French and other European Jews lived in Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Morocco. In fact, there were 6,625 foreign Jews in Algeria; 3,200 Italian Jews, 16,500 French Jews, and 1,660 Jews from other nationalities lived in Tunisia. Morocco housed about 12,000 foreign-born Jews in addition to its large local Jewish community. While Algerian Jews were granted French citizenship through the Crémieux Decree in 1870, Moroccan and 436 aomar boum Tunisian Jews remained under the Islamic concept of the dhimmi status that provided legal protection to Jewish communities (and Christians) and permitted the community to manage its internal religious and social affairs in return for paying the tax of jizya.56 Despite religious differences between Muslims and Jews in the region, North African Jews generally experienced the same economic and social division that characterized Muslim communities. Poverty marked the large numbers of the Jewish population in the three French colonies despite the presence of a wealthy commercial and professional class that managed to move outside the Jewish quarter. The Alliance Israelite Universelle was established by French Jews and provided new educational opportunities for Jewish children throughout Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia as way to introduce them to the modern period. In addition to the traditional Jewish trading and commercial occupation, modern education inspired a new generation of North African Jewish professionals in education, law, cinema, and newspapers. At the same time while indigenous members of the community retained their Berber and Arab traditions, an increasing number of Jews especially in Algeria and Tunisia were assimilated into French culture and society dressing as Europeans and spoke the French language. In this context, and before the outbreak of the war, Jews, especially in Algeria, faced a wave of antisemitism that culminated in physical violence against the Jewish community of Constantine in 1934.57 By the second decade of the twentieth century, antisemitism was widespread among French settlers throughout Algerian cities.58 In 1921, Jules Molle, a medical doctor, rose to power as mayor of Oran using his own newspaper Le Petit Oranais, and he mobilized a large European settler population to vote for his antiJewish program. Oran was the second major city of the French Algerian colony with a large European population comprised mostly of recent naturalized settlers largely from Spain known as the néos. Molle used the resentment of the néos toward the Jewish population citizenship in 1870 and their presumed power in the electoral politics and the economy to build a base of electoral support through a movement of the extreme right known as the Unions Latines. As a representative of Oran in the National Assembly in Paris, Molle used the same methods of the extreme right in the metropole while defending the traditional and local needs of settlers until his death in 1931.59 By the early 1930s and feeding from the antisemitic discourse that had already penetrated different social classes, Henri Lautier, inspired by the rise of Hitler and encouraged by the success of Molle, established another newspaper L’Éclair Algérien and later an antisemitic organization known as the Ligue d’action latine in Constantine, one of the cities with the largest Jewish population and home of Muslim leaders such Ibn Badis. Using antisemitism as a recruitment tool, Lautier defined the Jew in Algerian electoral politics in general as a voting bloc that would undermine the priorities of settlers. With the increasing number of antisemitic newspapers, major Algerian cities such as Algiers, Oran, and Constantine saw the election of European settlers who adopted antisemitic political platforms. Spreading rumors about Jews, and inspired by the German anti-Jewish policies in the middle of the 1930s, the French right-wing groups also attempted to incite conflict between Jews and Muslims. While Algeria was a fertile ground for European antisemitism, their reach into Morocco and Tunisia was minimal despite cases of attacks against Jews in some cities. By 1936, and under the leadership of Bernard Lecache, the International League against anti-Semitism and Racism (LICRA) expanded its activities to fight the political platform of the League d’action latine and its sympathizers.60 The situation remained stable until the German occupation of France. redrawing holoCaust geographies 437 There was an active Nazi community in the northern Moroccan region under Spanish Protectorate.61 German delegates set up a headquarters at the Hotel National in Melilla in 1937. German representatives also called on Adolf Hitler to support Franco’s military campaign with arms and military during the Spanish civil war. They also published an anti-Jewish newsletter mostly of collections of summaries of antisemitic articles published in European newspapers and circulated it among members of the Spanish press and some Moroccan nationalists namely Abdelkhaleq Torrès.62 At the same time, they played a key role in the dissemination of antisemitic literature and pamphlets describing Jews as eternal enemies of Muslims among Spanish nationals.63 After 1936, many prominent Moroccan nationalists with close ties to Shakib Arsalan and Younes Bahri64 traveled to Berlin and had contacts with German officials although nothing in the archives proves that they embraced German racial ideology.65 As the leader of the nationalist movement in northern Morocco, Torrès established the Parti des Réformes Nationales in Tetouan in 1936 and supported the Franco side in the Spanish Civil War. This led to break up in the national movement after Mekki Naciri left the party and established the Party of Maghrib Unity as a stand against Torrès’ sympathy toward Italian and Spanish Fascism. However, despite the connections between these some of northern nationalist leaders and Spanish, Italian, and German figures they had little impact on the relationship between the Jewish and Muslim community.66 North African Jews and Vichy France and Nazi Occupation In May 1940, the Nazis invaded France leading to Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain’s decision to sign an armistice with Germany on June 22, and dividing France into two parts with the north under direct German rule. From Vichy, Pétain was allowed to rule over southern France and the colonies. It was not before long that the Vichy authorities a long time before the enacted antisemitic legislation inspired by Nazi anti-Jewish regulations.67 In 1941 and under the leadership of Xavier Vallat, the Commissariat général aux questions juives (QGQJ) was established. On October 3, 1940, the first anti-Jewish law was introduced defining Jews living in the metropole and Algeria by race.68 At the same time Jews were prohibited from working in any public functions. Jewish employees were expelled from the military (except war veterans), public administration, and teaching (except in Jewish schools). On October 7, 1940 Algerian Jewish citizenship was revoked following the abolition of the Crémieux Decree. In Morocco and Tunisia local Jews were defined by their dhimmi status and therefore they maintained their social position as members of a religious community instead of racial group. By keeping their religious status, Moroccan and Tunisian Jews were able to maintain their social and economic status intact. After limiting Algerian Jewish access to any legal rights as citizens, a new Jewish Statute was introduced on June 2, 1941 primarily to limit Jews from economic activities by barring them from finance and credit. This disallowed many Jews from owning businesses and working in sector of media. As for the sector of professions, quotas (numerus clausus) limited the percentages of Jewish doctors, architects, lawyers, and notaries to two percent of the licenses allocated for these jobs. In education, Jews managed to establish a centralized educational system to absorb the number of students and teachers expelled from schools and universities because of the numerus clausus. In Morocco and Tunisia, the Jewish restrictions did not have a negative impact on education because the majority of Jewish students attended the Alliance Israélite Universelle 438 aomar boum schools. The limited assimilation of Jews in Morocco and Tunisia compared to Algeria minimized the impact of these restrictions on them, and only the medical and legal professions (doctors and lawyers in particular) were affected by the numerus clausus.69 In July 1941, Vichy authorities launched new laws to confiscate Jewish property as part of the final Aryanization. With the exception of personal residences, Jewish businesses in Algeria were allocated to “trustees” by the Office of Economic Aryanization to manage and profit from them. They were given the full authority to make decisions about management including the sale of businesses especially to Europeans settlers. In Tunisia, Resident-General Admiral Jean-Pierre Estéva and Ahmed Pasha as well as Moncef Bey, Tunisia’s rulers, slowed down the implementation of the anti-Jewish rules against Jews despite the limited influence of the Bey. On November 8, 1942, the Allies landed in Algeria impelling the German and Italian invasion of Tunisia. Jewish affairs immediately fell under German and Italian authority.70 The Nazis applied a set of racial and antisemitic Nazi policies toward Tunisian Jews including the confiscation of property, drafting of Jewish laborers, forcing Jews to wear the yellow Star of David and sending many Jews to death camps in occupied Poland. At the same time Italian authorities opposed the application of these racial laws against Jews with Italian citizenship living in Tunisia. In Morocco General Noguès, Resident-General, was appointed before Vichy government by the Popular Front Government of Blum. Noguès oversaw the implementation of the racial laws of October 31, 1940 and June 2, 1941. A set of decrees were introduced after the sultan’s approval as the colonial bureaucracy and Protectorate system of government required. While Moroccan Jews escaped the economic Aryanization, they were subjected to a set of economic, educational, and administrative limitations and quotas.71 After the French colonization of Morocco many Jews left the crowded Jewish neighborhood known as the mellah for European neighborhoods of the ville nouvelle. The new anti-Jewish laws ordered that Jews move back to the mellah especially in cities such as Marrakesh, Fez, and Casablanca. This forced movement to new neighborhoods caused many Jews to die mostly of typhoid. The majority of laws were implemented, however, only in certain cities and regions. At the same time in the majority of the Moroccan hinterlands and rural margins tribal lords rarely received instruction from the Vichy authorities to enforce the regulations of the Jewish Statute. The arbitrariness of the implementation was also complicated by the favorable position that Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Youssef took vis-à-vis his Jewish subjects. Despite the fact that the laws bore the sharifian seal, the sultan intervened on many occasions to show his support to the Jewish community and its leadership. Hirschberg writes that the sultan was “probably not consulted before the decree was issued and not given a chance to protest against its publication.”72 For instance when the leadership of the Jewish community complained about the allocation of food rations and the shortages of oil and sugar, he called on local caids to increase the quotas designated for Jews especially during the religious holidays. Despite the success of the French right and anti-Jewish laws to create social discord between the Jewish and Muslim communities, many Muslim and Jewish leaders were able to foresee the divisive implications of antisemitism the French colonies and organizing themselves in political partnership to fight antisemitic social and economic platforms.73 For example, the International League against anti-Semitism and Racism established connections with the moderate Algerian Association des ‘ulamas as a way to limit the political influence of the French antisemites in elections and succeeded to limit redrawing holoCaust geographies 439 their success in after the elections of 1936. Algerian religious leaders such as Ben Badis were pleased by the support of Bernard Lecache of their citizenship rights and the BlumViollette Project that aimed at making 25,000 eligible for citizenship. Despite all of these thematic discussions and historians’ re-evaluations in the aftermath of the continuous discovery of new archival materials and reexamination of early scholarship, one of the most important themes that has been part of the rewriting of the period of Vichy and German colonial presence in North Africa during World War II is the topic of labor camps and detention centers.74 Recently the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum published one of the most comprehensive accounts on labor camps in North Africa. While a few accounts were written about these camps after the war,75 recent publications on Vichy camps have provided more information about the numbers, locations, internees and life within labor camps in Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya.76 After the German occupation of France, Pétain ordered his government to build a network of labor camps in Algeria and Morocco that numbered about sixty-seven camps in North Africa and six in French West Africa.77 At the center of these camps was the French colonial project of Mediterranean-Niger (Mer-Niger) railroad. In the nineteenth century French colonial administration designed and began the work on a railroad project to connect Dakar to the Algerian coastal cities. However, there was a disagreement between supporters of the railroad project and other administrators who advocated a system of motor roads instead. The project was put on hold until the German occupation of France. Recognizing the importance of moving Senegalese soldiers through the interior desert, Nazi officers backed the railroad project. However, the issue of recruiting workers in a harsh desert environment remained an obstacle to its implementation until 1940. Then, the Vichy Interior Ministry began a program of internment of “undesirables” and foreigners in the Saharan labor camps. The political prisoners and internees were largely organized into groups of foreign workers known as Groupements de Travailleurs Étrangers (GTEs). The Ministry of Industrial Production and Labor was tasked with their management. In addition to camps for GTEs, other workers and prisoners including Spanish Republicans, political prisoners, and former Jewish volunteers of the French Foreign Legion (Légion étrangère, LE) lived in camps made of tents and/or barracks. They were moved around camps such as Agdz, Abadla, Ain Guenfounda, Ain Sefra, Akbou, Bedeau,78 Ben-Chicao, Béni-Abbès, Berguent, Berrouaghia, Boghar, Boghari, Bossuet, Bou Arfa, Bou Azzer, Bou Denib, Boulhaut, Carnot, Cheragas, Cherchel, Colomb-Béchar, Constantine, Crampel, Djebel-Felten, Djelfa,79 Djenien Bou Rezg, Djerrada, El-Aricha, El-Guerrah, Fort Caffarelli, Géryville, Hadjerat M’guil, Im-Fout, Immouzer des Marmoucha, Kankan, Kasbah Tadla, Kenadsa, Kersas, Khenchela, Kindia, Ksabi, Laghouat, La Marne, Le Kreider, Magenta, Marrakech, Mecheria, Mediouna, Menabba, Mengoub, Méridja, Missour, Monod, Oued Akreuch, Oued Djerch, Oued Zem and Moulay Bouaszza, Oued-Zenati-Bone, Oulmès/El Karit, Ouargla, Relizan, Settat, Sidi El Ayachi, Skrirat, Talzaza Menabba, Tamanar (Tanoundja), Telergma, and Tendrara.80 In Italian-occupied North Africa, there were three major camps (Buqbuq, Giado, and Sidi Azaz).81 As for Tunisia, the majority of camps were under the control of Italian and Vichy governments. They were classified into forced labor camps for Jews and internment camps that housed Jews deported from Libya. They included the following camps: Djebel Chambi, Djebibinia, Djelloula, Djougar, Enfidaville, Gabès, Kondas, Le Kef, Marcia Beach, Mohamedia, Sainte Marie du Zit, Saouaf, Skikha, Tniet-Agarev, and Zaghouan.82 During the years after World War II, 440 aomar boum a few number of autobiographies were written largely by North African Jews about their experiences during the war.83 Despite the historical silence around these camps, many survivors and their descendants have recently begun to share their stories in the form of oral testimonies and autobiographical narratives.84 For many North African Jews, writing and recording their stories about their experience of World War II and especially life under anti-Jewish laws and in the camps therefore makes an important statement, especially in the context of rising antisemitic discourse in the west as well as in many parts of the Middle East.85 Post-World War II Narratives and Challenges of Remembrance Despite the increasing record of emerging stories from World War II and the discovery as well as the recovery of new archival records on Jewish life in North Africa, antisemitism and Holocaust denial have increased worldwide fueled by the Middle Eastern conflict. In recent years, a few Muslim intellectual and political leaders namely President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran have alternately minimized, contested, or challenged the historicity of the Holocaust, setting off worldwide reactions of condemnation and occasionally reactions of support from some parts of the Muslim world.86 In response to the recent Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad, this Holocaust denial culminated in the organization of an Iranian government-sponsored international Holocaust cartoon competition.87 Abdellah Derkaoui, a Moroccan cartoonist who worked for alMaghribia newspaper, submitted the winning entry of the contest. Although Derkaoui’s winning cartoon did not deny the Holocaust, it compared it to Israeli policies towards the Palestinians by showing a crane with the Star of David building a wall around the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. The panels of large cement blocks of the walls are painted with an image of Auschwitz. Another image of a railway leading to the gate Auschwitz appears on another side of the wall. The cartoon, Meidani argues, suggests a “kind of connection between the Nazi concentration camps and the border walls built by Israel. In essence, the combination of Israeli security walls and the image of Auschwitz recall Nazi atrocities toward Jews in concentration camps in World War II and thus, equate the Nazis with the Israeli regime.”88 As I showed at the introduction of this chapter through the story of Habib Kazdaghli discussions of the Holocaust and or the history of North Africa under Vichy, Nazi, or Italian rule in North African public spheres directly trigger heated conversations about the present state of Palestinian-Israeli conflict. This psychological reality has put pressure on many scholars and teachers to avoid teaching or discussing the trauma of the Holocaust despite the direct and indirect impact of some of the European anti-Jewish laws on the relations between Jewish and Muslim communities in the region. While many Palestinian sympathizers believe that initiatives such as Kazdaghli’s indirectly “legitimizes” and “naturalizes” North African Muslim relations with Israel, others note that it gives Israel the ground to legitimize the expansion of the Claims Conference to other regions and therefore demanding reparations from postindependence North African states. This concern is attributed to the Claims Conference’s recent recognition that thousands of North African Jews were also affected by the Holocaust and the application of anti-Jewish laws. Founded in 1951, with offices in Tel Aviv, New York, and Frankfurt, the Claims Conference has been at the forefront of negotiating and disbursing funds to Jews affected by the Holocaust. On February 5, 2018, the Conference on redrawing holoCaust geographies 441 Jewish Material Against Germany, otherwise known as the Claims Conference, and the German government, reached an agreement that recognizes thousands of Algeria Jews as Holocaust survivors. By 2011, the Claims Conference already signed on Tunisian and Moroccan Jews as eligible for onetime financial compensation from the German government. According to Julius Berman, the chairman of the Claims Conference, Jews eligible for the compensation are those whose freedom of movement was restricted by the Germans and their allies including public transportation use and entrance to movie theatres. The expansion of the eligibility for compensation for more Jews has been a widely discussed and controversial issue including among North African Jews.89 Nevertheless, and despite the fact that the large majority of Jews of North Africa were not sent to death camps, the Claims Conference argues that Algerian Jews were stripped of their nationality and Tunisia and Moroccan Jews lost their jobs for a period of time during the war. These developments including the recommendation of the Erez Biton Commission to teach about North African Jewish history promise to expand research especially in terms of the collection of oral history and narratives about the community members who lived during Vichy and Nazi reach into North Africa.90 While Israel has used its recent educational reforms to give justice to the Jewish communities of North Africa and the rest of the Arab and Islamic world in its curriculum and textbooks after decades of marginalization, there are other initiatives in France and North Africa to educate the new generation about the significance of World War II. Based in Paris, and established under the sponsorship of UNESCO in 2009, the Aladdin Project (Projet Aladin in French) has recently emerged as the leading institution on Holocaust education targeting young Muslims and advocating the “building of bridges of knowledge between Muslims and Jews.” Although it relies on many scholars of Jewish–Muslim relations and tries to highlight the shared history of the communities, its objective is to produce a discourse about the Holocaust that can be understood by a large majority of Muslims around the world. The Aladdin Project is modelled around dialogue between Jews and Muslims that partly involves an international summer university that brings together young students from Al-Quds University, Tel Aviv University, University of Tunis, Mohamed V University, Dakar University, New York University, Freie Universität Berlin, and others. In addition to the construction of an online library, the project has translated numerous classic works on the Holocaust in Europe in Arabic and Persian. Finally, the Aladdin project has launched a series titled shared history “histoire partagée” that focuses on shared relations between Muslims and Jews from the origins to the present. Yet the interest in the Shoah/Holocaust remains controversial despite the recent attempts of many Holocaust and education institutions, centers and museums to highlight its human dimensions and racial, antisemitic, and Islamophobic implications. For example, public calls by Moroccan Jews and Muslims to include the teaching of Jewish history including their experience during World War II in Moroccan textbooks have recently taken an on ethnic dimension especially as an eighteen-member delegation of Amazigh (Berber) activists participated in a weeklong educational seminar at Yad Vashem in November 2009.91 Yet while the Holocaust remained a marginal issue in North African textbooks, it has become a central theme in North African films. The films Villa Jasmin92 (Férid Boughedir, 2008), Le chant des mariées/The Wedding Song93 (Karin Albou, 2008) and Les hommes libres/Free Men94 (Ferroukhi, 2011) imagine a set of possibilities of Jewish–Muslim relations during World War II set in Tunis and Paris. While the first two 442 aomar boum focus on Nazi occupation of Tunis the third tells the story of Jews saved by Muslims in Paris during its occupation.95 Similar to Aladdin Project’s use of Arabic translation to tell the story of Anne Frank to Muslim youth worldwide, the turn to film and documentaries in the untrodden path of Jewish and Holocaust studies in North Africa has emerged as a viable means of education of North African youth and the public. Notes 1 Steven Luckert, “In Tunisia, a Push Back Against Hate: Holocaust Exhibit in North African Country Underscores the Importance of Countering Extremist Propaganda,” US News & World Report, February 16, 2018, accessed July 22, 2018, https://www.usnews.com/news/ best-countries/articles/2018-02-16/tunisians-committed-to-learning-historys-lessons. 2 See Robert Assaraf, Mohammed V et les Juifs du Maroc à l’époque de Vichy (Paris: Plon, 1997). For a critical piece about Mohammed V’s role during the war, see Georges Bensoussan, Les juifs du monde arabe: la question interdite (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2017). 3 Hamza Ben Driss Ottmani, Kaddour Benghabrit Un Maghrébin hors du commun (Rabat: Marsam, 2010); Ethan Katz, “Did the Paris Mosque Save Jews? A Mystery and Its Memory,” Jewish Quarterly Review 102, no. 2 (2012): 256–87. 4 Michel Ansky, Les juifs d’Algérie: du décret Crémieux à la libération (Paris: Éditions du Centre, 1950); Henri Msellati, Les Juifs d’Algérie sous le régime de Vichy, 10 juillet 1940–3 novembre 1943 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999). 5 See Mohammed Kenbib, “Moroccan Jews and the Vichy Regime, 1940–42,” Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 4 (2014): 540–53; Jamaâ Baïda, “Les ‘réfugiés’ juifs européens au Maroc pendant la seconde guerre mondiale,” in La bienvenue et l’adieu; migrants juifs et musulmans au Maghreb, XVe–XXe siècles, 2 vols. Actes du Colloque d’Essaouira, ed. K. Dirèche, R. Aouad, and F. Abécassis (Paris and Casablanca: Karthala, 2012), 57–66; Jamaâ Baïda, “Le Maroc et la propagande du III Reich,” Hespéris-Tamuda 28 (1990): 91–106; Jamaâ Baïda, “The American Landing in November 1942: A Turning Point in Morocco’s Contemporary History,” Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 4 (2014): 518–23. 6 Aomar Boum, “The Logic of Antisemitism: A Moroccan Immigrant Narrative about Jews in Sweden,” in Holocaust Memory in a Globalized World, ed. Jacob S. Eder, Philipp Gassert, and Alan E. Steinweis (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2017), 153–70. 7 Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein, “Introduction,” in The Holocaust and North Africa, ed. Aomar Boum and Sarah Stein (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018), 1–16. 8 Boum and Stein, eds., The Holocaust and North Africa (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018). 9 Robert Satloff, Among the Righteous: Los Stories from the Holocaust’s Long Reach into Arab Lands (New York: Public Affairs, 2006). 10 Satloff, 4. 11 Satloff, 4. 12 Satloff, 6. 13 Deborah Lipstadt, “The Schindlers of the Middle East,” Washington Post, December 10, 2006, accessed July 23, 2018, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/ article/2006/12/07/AR2006120701877.html. 14 Robert Satloff, “Robert Satloff Responds to Deborah Lipstadt’s Review of Among the Righteous,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, December 10, 2006. accessed July 23, 2018, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/robert-satloff-respondsto-deborah-lipstadts-review-of-among-the-righteous. 15 Satloff, Among the Righteous, 9. 16 Michel Abitbol, The Jews of North Africa during the Second World War (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 170. redrawing holoCaust geographies 443 17 Abitbol, 166. 18 Abitbol, 12. Also see Michel Abitbol, “L’Afrique du Nord et le sauvetage des réfugiés juifs pendant la seconde guerre mondiale; l’échec de la solution du camp de Fédala,” in Présence juive au Maghreb: Hommage à Haïm Zafrani, ed. N. S. Serfaty and J. Tedghi (St. Denis: Bouchene, 2004), 37–49. 19 Meir Litvak and Esther Webman, From Empathy to Denial: Arab Responses to the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009); Meir Litvak and Esther Webman, “The Representation of the Holocaust in the Arab World,” Journal of Israel History 23, no. 1 (2004): 100–15; Meir Litvak and Esther Webman, “Perceptions of the Holocaust in Palestinian Public Discourse,” Israel Studies 8, no. 3 (2003): 123–40. 20 Jeffrey Herf, Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009). Also see Jeffrey Herf, “Nazi Germany’s Propaganda aimed at Arabs and Muslims during World War II and Holocaust: Old Themes, New Archival Findings,” Central European History 42, no. 4 (2009): 709–36. 21 Gilbert Achcar, The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009); Also see Achcar, “Arab Reactions to Nazim and the Holocaust: Scholarship and the ‘War of Narratives,’” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East: Arab and Turkish Responses, ed. Francis R. Nicosia and Boğaç A. Ergene (New York & Oxford: Berghahn, 2018), 23–41. 22 Israel Gershoni, Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism: Attraction and Repulsion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014); Israel Gershoni, “Demon and Infidel: Egyptian Intellectuals Confronting Hitler and Nazism during World War II,” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East, 77–104. Also see Israel Gershoni and James Jankowski, Confronting Fascism in Egypt: Dictatorship versus Democracy in the 1930s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009). 23 Peter Wien, “Coming to Terms with the Past: German Academia and Historical Relations between the Arab Lands and Nazi Germany,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (2010): 311–21; Peter Wien, “Arabs and Fascism: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives,” Die Welt des Islams 52, nos. 1–2 (2012): 331–50; Peter Wien, “The Culpability of Exile: Arabs in Nazi Germany,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 37, no. 3 (2011): 332–58; Peter Wien, “The Holocaust: Narratives of Complicity and Victimhood,” in The Routledge Handbook of Muslim-Jewish Relations, ed. Yosef Meri (London: Routledge, 2016), 373–86. 24 Francis R. Nicosia and Boğaç A. Ergene, eds., Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East. 25 Israel Gershoni, “‘The Crime of Nazism against Humanity’: Ahmad Hassanal-Zayyat and the Outbreak of World War II,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 217–41; Rami Ginat, “The Rise of Homemade Egyptian Communism: A Response to the Challenge Posed by Fascism and Nazism,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 195–215; James Jankowski, “The View from the Embassy: British Assessments of Egyptian Attitudes during World War II,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 171–94; Esther Webman, “The War and the Holocaust in the Egyptian Public Discourse, 1945–1947,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 243–68. 26 Corry Guttstadt, “Turkish Responses to the Holocaust: Ankara’s Policy Toward the Jews, 1933–1945,” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East, 42–76. 27 Orit Bashkin, “Mosul as Paradise: Nazis, Angels, Jewish Soldiers, and the Jewish Community in Northern Iraq, 1941–1943,” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East, 153–78. Also see Orit Bashkin, “Iraqi Shadows, Iraqi Lights: Anti-Fascist and Anti-Nazi Voices in Monarchic Iraq, 1932–1941,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 141–68. 28 Götz Nordbruch, “Defining the Nation: Discussing Nazi Ideology in Syria and Lebanon during the 1930s,” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East, 128–52; Götz Nordbruch, “A Challenge to Local Order: Reactions to Nazism in the Syrian and Lebanese Press,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 35–54; Meir Zamir, “Against the Tide: The Secret Alliance between the Syrian National Bloc Leaders and Great Britain, 1941–1942,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 55–72; Eyal Zisser, “Memoirs Do Not Deceive: Syrians 444 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 aomar boum Confront Fascism and Nazism – as Reflected in the Memoirs of Syrian Political Leaders and Intellectuals,” in Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 73–97. Charles Robert Ageron, “Les populations du Maghreb face à la propagande allemande,” Revue d’Histoire de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale 29, no. 114 (1979): 1–39; Jacques Sabille, Les Juifs de Tunisie sous Vichy et l’occupation (Paris: Editions du Centre, 1954); Paul Sebag, Histoire des Juifs de Tunisie des origines à nos jours (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1991). Susan Gilson Miller, “Filling a Historical Parenthesis: An Introduction to ‘Morocco from World War II to Independence,’” Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 4 (2014): 461–74. Georges Bensoussan, “Éditorial,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 7–23. Haïm Saadoun, “La résistance du 8 novembre 1942 en Algérie,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 385–400; Haïm Saadoun, “Nouvelle lecture de La Statue de sel d’Albert Memmi,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 561–70; Haïm Saadoun, “Le sionisme dans l’entre-deux-guerres en terres d’islam,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 187–220. Norman A. Stillman, “Les Juifs du Maghreb confrontés à la Shoah: synthèse historique,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 37–77. Dan Eldar, “La réaction des Juifs des pays d’Orient à la politique antisémite de l’Allemagne, février 1933–avril 1934,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 79–106. Jeffrey Herf, “La propagande nazie destinée au monde arabe pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la Shoah; ses conséquences,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 107–26. Hagar Hillel and Ruth Kimhi, “La réaction des Juifs d’Égypte à la pénétration de l’influence nazie et fasciste,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 127–54. Abraham Robert Attal, L’Allemagne nazie dans la poésie populaire des Juifs de Tunisie,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 155–58. Prosper Hassine, “Meguilat Hitler – Le Rouleau de Hitler,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 177–85. Rachel Simon, “Les Juifs de Libye au seuil de la Shoah,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October (2016): 221–62. Itshaq Avrahami, “Les communautés juives de Tunisie sous l’occupation allemande: les aspects financiers,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 297–316; Itshaq Avrahami, “Les Juifs de Tunisie sous le régime de Vichy et sous l’occupation allemande, octobre 1940–mai 1943. L’attitude des autorités et de l’environnement,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 263–96. Irit Abramski-Bligh, “L’influence de la Seconde Guerre mondiale sur les relations judéoarabes en Libye et en Tunisie,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 317–53. Yves C. Aouate, “Les Algériens musulmans et les mesures antijuives du gouvernement de Vichy,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 355–68. Jacob Oliel, “Les camps de Vichy au Maghreb de 1940 à 1944,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 369–84. Emmanuel Debono, “Le difficile rétablissement du décret Crémieux (novembre 1942– octobre 1943). “L’épouvantail arabe, une légende?,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 401–12. Yitzhak Gershon, “L’aide aux réfugiés juifs du Maroc pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 413–46. Guy Bracha, “Les Juifs de Syrie et du Liban durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 447–62. Ariel Danan and Myriam Allouche, “Les écoles de l’Alliance Israélite Universelle au Liban: d’une guerre à l’autre (1943–1950),” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 463–74. Pierre-André Taguieff, “Fanatiques antijuifs sur la voie du jihad. Dans le sillage de Haj Amin al Husseini et de Johann von Leers,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205, (October 2016): 475–510. redrawing holoCaust geographies 445 49 Esther Méir-Glitzenstein, “Le Farhoud: pogrom à Bagdad,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 511–33. 50 Menashé Anzi, “La Seconde Guerre mondiale et les Juifs du Yémen,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 535–42. 51 Orli Rahimian, “‘Les enfants d’Iran’: les Juifs d’Iran dans l’ombre de la Seconde Guerre mondiale,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 205 (October 2016): 543–59. 52 Boum and Stein, The Holocaust and North Africa. 53 George Michael, “Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Sponsorship of Holocaust Denial,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 8, nos. 3–4 (2007): 667–71; Shmuel Nili, “The Nuclear (and the) Holocaust: Israel, Iran and the Shadow of Auschwitz,” Journal of Strategic Security 4, no. 1 (2011): 37–56; Deborah E. Lipstadt, “The Iranian President, the Canadian Professor, the Literary Journal, and the Holocaust Denial Conference That Never Was: The Strange Reality of Shiraz Dossa,” in Global Antisemitism: A Crisis of Modernity, ed. Charles Asher Small (New York: ISGAP, 2013), 71–82. 54 René Wildangel, “‘The Invention of “Islamofascism.’ Nazi Propaganda to the Arab World and Perceptions from Palestine,” Die Welt des Islams 52, nos. 3–4 (2012): 526–44. 55 David Prochaska, Making Algeria French: Colonialism in Bône, 1870–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 56 Aomar Boum, Memories of Absence: How Muslims Remember Jews in Morocco (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013). 57 Charles-Robert Ageron, “Une émeute anti-juive à Constantine (Août 1934),” Revue des Mondes Musulman et de la Méditerranée 13–14 (1973): 23–40; Robert Attal, Les émeutes de Constantine: 5 août 1934 (Paris: Romillat, 2002); Joshua Cole, “Constantine before the Riots of August 1934: Civil Status, Anti-Semitism, and the Politics of Assimilation in Interwar French Algeria,” Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 5 (2012): 839–61; Ethan Katz, “Between Emancipation and Persecution: Algerian Jewish Memory in the Longue Durée (1930–1970),” Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 5 (2012): 793–820. 58 Sophie B. Roberts, “Anti-Semitism and Municipal Government in Interwar French Colonial Algeria,” Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 5 (2012): 821–837; Samuel Kalman, French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria, 1919–1939 (New York: Macmillan, 2013); Dónal Hassett, “Proud Colons, Proud Frenchmen: Settler Colonialism and the Extreme Right in Interwar Algeria,” Settler Colonial Studies 8, no. 2 (2018): 195–212; Emmanuel Debono, “Antisémites européens et musulmans en Algérie après le pogrom de Constantine (1934–1939), Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 187 (2007): 305–28. 59 Rochdi Ali Younsi, “Caught in a Colonial Triangle: Competing Loyalties within the Jewish Community of Algeria 1842–1943” (PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2003). 60 Aomar Boum, “Partners against Anti-Semitism: Muslims and Jews Respond to Nazism in French North African Colonies 1936–1940,” Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 4 (2014): 554–70; Emmanuel Debono, “Le rapprochement judéo-musulman en Afrique du Nord sous le Front populaire. Succès et limites,” Archives Juives: Revue d’histoire des juifs de France 45 (2012): 89–106; Jean Laloum, “Le regard des renseignements généraux de Vichy sur les rapports judéo-musulmans en Algérie (1940–1943),” Archives Juives: Revue d’histoire des juifs de France 45 (2012): 107–28. 61 Daniel Schroeter, “Philo-Sephardism, Anti-Semitism and Arab Nationalism: Muslims and Jews in the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco during the Third Reich,” in Nazism, the Holocaust and the Middle East, 179–215. 62 Isabelle Rohr, “The Use of Antisemitism in the Spanish Civil War,” Patterns of Prejudice 73, no. 2 (2003): 195–211; Also see Isabelle Rohr, The Spanish Right and the Jews, 1898–1945: Antisemitism and Opportunism (Brighton, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 2007); Anna Baldinetti, “Fascist Propaganda in the Maghrib,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 37 (2011): 408– 36. For discussions about Fascist propaganda in Tunisia and Algeria, see Juliette Bessis, La Méditerranée fasciste. L’Italie mussolinienne et la Tunisie (Paris: Karthala, 1981); 446 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 aomar boum Mustapha Kraiem, Le fascisme et les italiens de la Tunisie, 1918–1939 (Tunis: University of Tunis, 1987) Joseph Desparmet, “Les Oulémas algériens et la propagande italienne, 1931– 1938,” L’Afrique française. Bulletin mensuel du Comité de l’Afrique française et du Comité du Maroc 5 (1938): 210–13; Renzo de Felice, The Jews in Fascist Italy. A History (New York: Enigma Books, 2001); Patrick Bernhard, “Behind the Battle Lines: Italian Atrocities and the Persecution or Arabs, Berbers, and Jews in North Africa during World War II,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 26, no. 3 (2012): 425–46. Otto Katz, The Nazi Conspiracy in Spain (London: Victor Gollancz, 1937), 177. Peter Wien, Iraqi Arab Nationalism: Authoritarian, Totalitarian, and Pro-Fascist Inclinations, 1932–1941 (London: Routledge, 2006), 65–66. Daniel Zisenwine, The Emergence of Nationalist Politics in Morocco: The Rise of the Independence Party and the Struggle Against Colonialism after World War II (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2010), 18. Also see Umar Ryad, “New Episodes in Moroccan Nationalism under Colonial Rule: Reconsideration of Shakib Arsalan’s Centrality in Light of Unpublished Materials,” Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 1 (2011): 117–42. Jamâa Baïda, “La perception de la periode nazie au Maroc. Quelques indices de l’effet de la propagande allemande sur l‘état de l’esprit des marocains,” in Marocains et Allemands: perception de l’autre, ed. A. Bendaouid and M. Berriane (Rabat: Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines, 1996), 13–19. Colette Zytnicki, “La Politique antisémite du régime de Vichy dans les colonies,” in L’Empire Colonial sous Vichy, ed. Jacques Cantier and Eric Jennings (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), 153– 76; Michael Laskier, “Between Vichy Antisemitism and German Harassment: the Jews of North Africa during the Early 1940s,” Modern Judaism 11, no. 3 (1991): 343–69. Daniel Schroeter, “Vichy in Morocco: The Residency, Mohammed V, and His Indigenous Jewish Subjects,” in Colonialism and the Jews, ed. Ethan B. Katz, Lisa Moses Leff, and Maud S. Mandel (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017), 215–50. Claude Nataf, “L’Exclusion des avocats Juifs en Tunisie pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.” Archives Juives 41, no. 1 (2008): 90–107. Claude Nataf, “Les Juifs de Tunisie face à Vichy et aux persecutions allemandes,” Pardès 16 (1992): 203–31; M. Mitchell Serels, “The Non-European Holocaust: the Fate of Tunisian Jewry,” in Del Fuego: Sephardim and the Holocaust, ed. Haham Gaon and M. Mitchell Serels (New York, Sepher-Hermon Press, 1995), 129–152. Joseph Tolédano, Epreuves et liberation: les Juifs du Maroc pendant la second guerre mondiale (Jerusalem: Editons Elkana, 2014). H. Z. Hirschberg, A History of the Jews in North Africa, vol. II: From the Ottoman Conquests to the Present Time. (Leiden: Brill, 1981), 325. Yves-Claude Aouate, “Les Algériens musulmans et les mesures antijuives du gouvernement de Vichy (1940–1942),” Pardès 16 (1992): 189–202; Ethan Katz, The Burdens of Brotherhood: Jews and Muslims from North Africa to France (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015). Mohamed Arezki Berkani, Memoire “Trois Années de Camp.” Un an de camp de Concentration, Deux ans de Centre Disciplinaire. Djenien-Bou-Rezg Sud Oranais (1940–1943 Régie Vichy) (Koudia-Sétif: ed. by author, 1965); Sidney Chouraqui, “Le camp de juifs français de Bedeau ou Vichy après Vichy,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah 161 (1997): 217–45; Robert Borgel, Etoile jaune et croix gammée (Paris: Editions Le Manuscrit, 2007); Danièle Iancu-Agou, “Être expulse ou interne à Djelfa au siècles derniers (1893–1942),” Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditéranée 115–116 (2007): 276–82; Rachel Simon, “It Could Have Happened There: The Jews of Libya During the Second World War,” Africana Journal 16 (1994): 391–422. Oliel Jacob, Les camps de Vichy, Maghreb-Sahara, 1939–1945 (Montréal: Éditions du Lys, 2005); Andrée Bachoud, Sables d’exil: les républicains espagnols dans les camps d’internement au Maghreb (1939–1945) (Perpignan: Mare Nostrum Éditions, 2009); Léon Benhamou, “Les camps d’Algérie,” Information Juive 136 (May 1994): 15; Norbert Bel Ange, Quand redrawing holoCaust geographies 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 447 Vichy internait ses soldats juifs d’Algérie: Bedeau, sud oranais, 1941–1943 (Paris: Harmattan, 2006); Maurice Benkemoun, ‘Le camp de Bedeau’, Information juive 138 (July 1994): 5; Louis Cohn, “Une page non écrite des années 1940: Les camps d’internement en Algérie française,” Les Nouveaux Cahiers 116 (1996): 27–29; Peter Gaida, Camps de travail sous Vichy: Les “Groupes de travailleurs étrangers” (GTI) en France et en Afrique du Nord 1940–44 (Raleigh, NC: Lulu Press, 2015); Christine Levisse-Touzé, “Les camps d’internement en Afrique du Nord pendant le second guerre mondiale,” in Mélanges Charles-Robert Ageron, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Zaghouan: FTERSI, 1996), 601–05. Geoffrey Megargee, The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. 3 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2018). Cristina Bejan and Aomar Boum, “Vichy Africa,” in The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos 1933–1945, ed. Geoffrey P. Megargee (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2018), 240–43. Susan Slyomovics, “‘Other Places of Confinement’: Bedeau Internment Camp for Algerian Jewish Soldiers,” in The Holocaust and North Africa, ed. Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018), 95–112. Aomar Boum, “Eyewitness Djelfa: Daily Life in a Saharan Vichy Labor Camp,” in The Holocaust and North Africa, ed. Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018), 149–67. For a detailed description of these camps and life with them, see Geoffrey P. Megargee, ed., The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos 1933–1945 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2018), 247–97. Megargee, 527–30. Megargee, 894–902. Gaston Guez, Nos martyrs sous la botte allemande: où les ex-travailleurs Juifs de Tunisie racontent leurs souffrances (n.p.: n.p., 1946); Paul Ghez, Six mois sous la botte: les juifs de Tunis aux prises avec les SS (Paris: Editions Le Manuscrit, 2009); Jacob André Guez, Au camp de Bizerte (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2001); Jean-Pierre Allali, Les Juifs de Tunisie sous la botte allemande (Paris: Editions Glyphe, 2014); Robert Attal, Mémoires d’un adolescent à Tunis sous l’occupation nazie (Jerusalem: Private imprint, 1996); Eugène Boretz, Tunis sous la croix gammée (Alger: Office français d’édition, 1944); Albert Memmi, The Pillar of Salt (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992); Claude Nataf, Les Juifs de Tunisie sous le joug nazi (9 novembre 1942–8 mai 1943) (Paris: Fondation pour la mémoire de la Shoah/Le Manuscrit, 2012). Also see Lia Brozgal, “The Ethics and Aesthetics of Restraint: Judeo-Tunisian Narratives of Occupation,” in The Holocaust and North Africa, ed. Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018), 168–84. Camillo Adler, I Am a Refugee (Createspace Independent Publishing, 2012). Haim Saadoun, “Stages in Jewish Historiography and Collective Memory,” in The Holocaust and North Africa, ed. Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018), 229–38. Rusi Jaspal, “Delegitimizing Jews and Israel in Iran’s International Holocaust Cartoon Contest,” Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 13, no. 2 (2014): 167–89. Michael Fischer, “Iran and the Boomeranging Cartoon Wars: Can Public Spheres at Risk Ally with Public Spheres Yet to be Achieved?,” Cultural Politics 5, no. 1 (2009): 27–62. Mahdiyeh Meidani, “Holocaust Cartoons as Ideographs: Visual and Rhetorical Analysis of Holocaust Cartoons,” SAGE Open (2015): 1–12, 3. Susan Slyomovics, How to Accept German Reparations (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 207–34; Also see Susan Slyomovics, “French Restitution, German Compensation: Algerian Jews and Vichy’s Financial Legacy,” Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 5 (2012): 881–90. Yossi Sucary, From Benghazi to Bergen-Belsen. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2016); also see Judith Roumani, “Yossi Sucary’s Novel Benghazi-Bergen-Belsen in the 448 91 92 93 94 95 aomar boum Context of North African Jewish Literature of the Holocaust,” in Jewish Libya: Memory and Identity in Text and Image, ed. Jacques Roumani, David Meghnagi, and Judith Roumani (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2018), 226–43. Bruce Maddy-Weitzman, “Morocco’s Berbers and Israel,” Middle East Quarterly 18, no. 2 (2011): 79–85. Villa Yasmin is the story of a Tunisian Jew who returns to La Goulette with his wife to explore the history of his parents, Vichy rule, and Nazi occupation. Le chant des mariées is the story of two friends (Jewish and Muslim) during the Nazi occupation of Tunisia in 1942. Les hommes libres is a fiction movie based on the story of the Grand Mosque’s Rector saving Jews from the Nazis in 1942. Dinah Stillman and Aomar Boum, “Cinema: Muslim-Jewish Relations of Screen,” in The Routledge Handbook of Muslim-Jewish Relations, ed. Yosef Meri (London: Routledge, 2016), 401–27. Recommended Reading Abitbol, Michel. The Jews of North Africa during the Second World War. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989. Boum, Aomar, and Sarah A. Stein, eds. The Holocaust and North Africa. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018. Megargee, Geoffrey, ed. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. 3. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2018. Satloff, Robert., Among the Righteous: Los Stories from the Holocaust’s Long Reach into Arab Lands. New York: Public Affairs, 2006. Schroeter, Daniel J., “Between Métropole and French North Africa: Vichy’s Anti-Semitic Legislation and Colonialism’s Racial Hierarchies.” In The Holocaust and North Africa. Edited by Aomar Boum and Sarah A. Stein, 19–49. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018.